Qualitative Research on How We Know the City

Qualitative investigate on How We Know the CityHow do we sum up to cognise the urban center?A city buns be defined in a number of slip port (Parr, 2007) firstly, in a physical sense of the ground it occupies (Smart, 1974) secondly, by its population size (Newling, 1996 Eeckhout, 2004) or alternatively, by the argona commit to urban activities (Hall Hay, 1980). All of these interpretations of the meaning of a city have condescend about from antithetic perceptions of reliable cities, which can be queryed using heterogeneous soft methods. The qualitative methods that will be discussed in this essay hold ethnography, recessicipant observation, interviewing, and focus groups, arguing that a combination of approaches should be interpreted to reflect the dynamism of cities. Thus, this essay will examine how we come to spang a city, taking a particular focus on Newcastle, fixed in North East England (Miles, 2005).The city is a get hold ofn-for-granted concept, frequentl y utilise unthinkingly in everyday life (Cloke et al., 2005). We live in an more(prenominal) and more urbanised world (Hamnett, 2005), with 60% of the global population expected to be house in cities by 2030 (United Nations (UN), 2016). However, trends of rapid suburbanisation and counter urbanisation have been witnessed since the 1980s, oddly in developed countries such as the UK, in which the city of Newcastle is placed (Champion, 1989 Cheshire, 1995). In some cities, this suburbanisation is coupled with inner-city decline, subsequently followed by gentrification and city internality regeneration (Ley, 1996 Peach, 1996 Smith, 1996). Thus, contemporary cities are often characterised by growing inequalities, kind segregation and socio-spatial unevenness (Hamnett, 2003 Knox Pinch, 2010). As Geographers, it is important to know how these cities are changing, twain in terms of their economic foundation and social structure (Hamnett, 2005). This can be done using qualitative r esearch methods, which examine the looks in which varied social groups ocularise, feel and know the city, through a multitude of senses, quite an than merely sight (Cloke et al., 2005). Therefore, a multiple-method approach is near desirable in order to know that there is more to a city than its physical existence and material construction (Elwood, 2010).Unlike denary research methods, qualitative methodologies do not begin with the presumption that there is a pre-existing world that can be kn hold instead, we jut out the world socially, as a construct that is constantly changing (Limb Dwyer, 2001). The emphasis, therefore, is to say the meanings of everyday experiences of the cities (Limb Dwyer, 2001). Ethnographies are one of these such methods, which are characterised by in-depth approaches (Watson Till, 2010), rather than aiming to necessarily produce statistical data. This method involves living and working indoors a community to understand how people experience t heir everyday lives, and hence the city (Cook, 2010).Participant observation is a research method severely emphasised by ethnography. It enables investigation into behaviours and socio-spatial interactions (Cloke et al., 2004) in a more graphic setting, therefore producing more reliable responses as participants feel at simpleness (Western, 1992). Although this method does provide the researcher with a greater depth of thought as they come to know the participants on a personal level, the research is based upon a very nonaged sample size, which raises questions over to what extent reliable conclusions can be drawn (Limb Dwyer, 2001). Thus, it is important to use former(a)(a) methods, such as interviewing different groups of people, in order to overcome the enticement of generalising. Furthermore, it can be difficult for the researcher to detach themselves and remain an removed observer, as one fixs an intimate member of the group, often over a prolonged period (Chrisman, 1976). Overall, participant observation as a part of ethnographic research produces tacit knowledge of peoples interactions with the city (Stake, 2005), thus aiding in explanation of how we come to know the city.Defined as a chat with a purpose (Bingham Moore, 1966), semi-structured interviews are one of the most coarsely used qualitative methods in social science research, and Human Geography in particular (Crang, 2002 Longhurst, 2003 Kvale, 2007). Despite often mistakenly cosmos criticised for not being representative or scientific, as Valentine (2005) outlines, an interview enables the researcher to understand the moral world of individual people (McCracken, 1988), and how they experience and make sense of their own everyday lives, and thus, how they come to know the city. Interviewers ply to loosely base their questions on an interview schedule, which consists of memory prompts and key topics of discussion (Keats, 2000 Bryman 2004), however, this is often deviated from du e to the liquid nature of this methodology (Limb Dwyer, 2001). Time consuming. Cultural and historical knowledge.Another qualitative research method that can be used to investigate how we come to know the city is focus groups. These usually consist of a one-off confrontation among five to eight individuals (Limb Dwyer, 2001) where they are often presented with a set of small tasks, such as watching a short video (Goss, 1996). For the researcher, this is an cost-efficient way of gaining an insight into the ways in which people come to know the city (Krueger Casey, 2015), by prolongting participants to share their personal experiences and argue for different points of view (Barbour Kitzinger, 1999). Rather than interviewing on an individual basis, which can create disproportionate power relations (Smith, 2006), the focus group context shows the researcher how certain individuals interact with each other, allowing conversations to develop in arguably a more common social situat ion (Lunt Livingstone, 1996). However, if the group are not interested in the topic, it can be very difficult for the researcher to get the conversation to flow (Agar MacDonald, 1995). Furthermore, it is important to be aware of high dropout rates, and performer this in when planning research using this method (Limb Dwyer, 2001). For this reason, focus groups tend to be used in conjunction with other methodologies, such as interviewing, rather than as a stand-alone approach (Frey Fontana, 1993). Produces practical, context-dependent knowledge (Starman, 2013).Knowledge. some(prenominal) misconceptions, such as that knowledge is only gained through observation of the world (Sayer, 1992). (Law, 2005). According to Sayer (1992), knowledge is in fact gained through a common language, interaction with other people, and the use of shared resources. Different types of knowledge are appropriate to different functions and contexts (Sayer, 1992). The city looks and feels different, depe nding on the perspectives of those inhabiting the quadriceps femoris (Law, 2005). Dominant way of looking in Geography normalised as white, heterosexual male. (Rose, 1993 Rose, 1997). Excludes viewpoints of people from different races, sexualities, genders, and abilities (Law, 2005). Marginalisation of deaf and blind people, etc. in the city until the figure of the century (see Kitchen et al., 1997). These people are likely to have different experiences of the place. In terms of gender, women can find streets lined with trees intimidating at wickedness as they reduce the visibility of being seen (Valentine, 1989). To others, it feels natural and seems aesthetically pleasing, curiously during the day. The city looks and feels, and is therefore known as, being different, depending on the perspectives of those inhabiting the urban space (Law, 2005). Mixed methods.Historically, Geography has been understood as a visual discipline. However, as Rodaway (1994) highlights, we come to kno w a city through a mixing of senses smell (Porteous, 1985), sound (Ingham, 1999 Smith, 2000), touch (Podock, 1993), taste. Cosgrove (1998) further recognises this in our association betwixt the visual world and the production of reliable knowledge, with little consideration of other sense. If we rely only on vision as the best way of knowing a city, we, as Human Geographers, consequently only research the remarkable and elite landscapes (rather than the everyday) that are often theoretically only seen from above, rather than below (Law, 2005). If we mimic the position of urban planners in only seeing the city from above, we risk fixing its meaning, and thus denying its complexity (Law, 2005). Thus, it is important to take a multiple-methods approach in order to come to know the city through all of our sensesIn conclusion, this essay has argued that the city can become best known through a multiple-method qualitative research approach, incorporating a combination of ethnographies, participant observation, interviews and focus groups. It is important not to over-emphasis on visual sight, but also consider other, less-appreciated senses that contribute to our overall knowing of the city.